Suchergebnisse

AbstractThis article compares Canadian and US recruitment of highly skilled workers, defined by educational, skill, and occupational criteria. Analysis shows that Canada disproportionally recruits skilled workers as legal permanent residents whereas family reunification dominates in the US. But such contrast ignores the large temporary skilled worker flows to the US and the on‐going reliance on them, or the growing use of temporary labour in Canada, including skilled workers. Data is presented on the admission of skilled migrants; recent and future policy developments are discussed. Comprehensive immigration reform is back on the US agenda with potential to increase the migration of skilled immigrants, to utilize a point system for some, and to continue the role of employers in the H1B visa programme. Canada has recently moved to a model of high skill labour recruitment that is characterized by decentralized selection mechanisms, and is demand driven and employer instigated.
Policy Implications


In studies of high skill international worker flows, it is insufficient to focus only on permanent resident policies; temporary worker programmes also offer entry to high skilled workers.

Although skill can be defined by high education and professional or science based occupation, some countries seek skilled workers in the trades. New Canadian policy includes a Skilled Trades class.

In the United States, the congressional system often produces incremental change on aspects of skilled worker policy. In Canada, the consolidation of power in the parliamentary executive is allowing substantial change in how skilled international workers will be recruited.

Des enquêtes spéciales démontrent que l'origine sociale constitue un déterminant important du niveau d'instruction des enfants immigrants. Cependant, l'omission de poser des questions sur l'origine sociale dans les grandes enquêtes empêche souvent l'étude de la relation existant entre l'origine sociale et la réussite socioéconomique de la progéniture des immigrants à l'âge adulte. L'analyse de l'Enquête sociale générale—cycle 15: rétrospective sur la famille de 2001 confirme l'influence de l'origine sociale, y compris les caractéristiques des antécédents familiaux, sur le niveau d'instruction et sur la réussite professionnelle de la progéniture des adultes immigrants âgée de 30 à 64 ans, classée par la distance de l'expérience migratoire et par la région d'origine. Les modèles de réussite de la progéniture des groupes spécifiques d'immigrants, particulièrement ceux provenant de nouvelles régions autres que les États‐Unis, le Royaume‐Uni, l'Irlande et l'Europe, sont en accord avec le modèle de l'«optimisme de l'immigrant» observé dans les études antérieures.Special surveys show social origins are important determinants in the educational achievements of immigrant children. However, the omission of social origin questions on large surveys frequently prevents studying the relationship between social origins and the socioeconomic attainments of immigrant offspring in adulthood. Analysis of the 2001 General Social Survey Cycle 15 on Family History confirms the influence of social origins including family background characteristics on the educational and occupational achievements of adult immigrant offspring, age 30 to 64, demarcated by distance from the migration experience and by region of origin. The patterns of achievement for specific groups of immigrant offspring, particularly those whose origins are from new areas other than the United States, United Kingdom and Ireland, and Europe, is consistent with the "immigrant optimism" model observed in earlier studies.

Cet article présente une nouvelle échelle professionnelle pour la classification nationale des professions (CNP) au Canada. En premier, l'on discute le contexte historique dans lequel la production des échelles des professions, faites par des sociologues aux Canada et aux États‐Unis, s'est réalisée. La méthodologie de la récente échelle Nam–Powers–Boyd utilisée aux États‐Unis est ensuite appliquée au recensement des professions de 2001. Celle‐ci sert à créer des scores des statuts professionnels pour les titres professionnels de la classification nationale des professions (CNP 2001) à Statistiques Canada. Ces scores soulignent les inégalités démographiques et socio‐économiques qui existent parmi les groupes au Canada. L'article se termine par une discussion des débats courants concernant l'utilisation des scores composites professionnels.This paper provides a new occupational scale for the Canadian National Occupational Classification system. The historical context for occupational scales produced by sociologists in Canada and the United States is first discussed. The methodology used in the recent Nam–Powers–Boyd scale in the United States then is applied to the 2001 census of occupations to construct occupational status scores for the occupational titles found in the National Occupational Classification for Statistics (2001) at Statistics Canada. The occupational status scores highlight inequalities existing among groups in Canada along demographic and socioeconomic dimensions. The paper concludes with a discussion of current debates over the use of composite occupational scores.

In this article, I study the educational attainments of the adult offspring of immigrants, analyzing data from the 1996 panel of the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics (SLID). Fielded annually since 1993 by Statistics Canada, respondents are asked for the first time in 1996 to report the birthplaces of their parents, making it possible to define and study not only the foreign-born population (the first generation), but also the second generation (Canadian born to foreign-born parents) and the third-plus generation (Canadian born to Canadian-born parents). The survey also asked respondents to indicate if they are members of a visible minority group, thus permitting a limited assessment of whether or not color conditions educational achievements of immigrant offspring. I find that "1.5" and second generation adults, age 20–64 have more years of schooling and higher percentages completing high school compared with the third-plus generation. Contrary to the segmented "underclass" assimilation model found in the United States, adult visible minority immigrant offspring in Canada exceed the educational attainments of other not-visible-minority groups. Although the analysis is hampered by small sample numbers, the results point to country differences in historical and contemporary race relations, and call for additional national and cross-national research.